
Whose history needs to be rewritten?
- Select a language for the TTS:
- UK English Female
- UK English Male
- US English Female
- US English Male
- Australian Female
- Australian Male
- Language selected: (auto detect) - EN
Play all audios:
Over the past few weeks there has been much debate about the need to rewrite British history, bringing down statues, teaching a new narrative at schools and universities, changing the focus.
Out with old heroes, in with a new landscape, emphasising colonialism and especially slavery.
The need to place slavery at the centre of 18th and 19th century British history is beyond dispute. When I studied History A Level and History at university in the 1970s, slavery was almost
completely absent from British history courses. Acclaimed histories of the 18thcentury by JH Plumb and Roy Porter barely mentioned it. Four references by Plumb, seven by Porter. There are
fewer than a dozen references to slavery in Linda Colley’s acclaimed, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837, published in 1992.
Things have changed in the last twenty years. Fascinating revisionist work has shown that slave ownership in 18th and 19th century Britain was widespread and that the profits from slavery
filtered through British society, from country houses and Oxford and Cambridge colleges to art museums.
There is no doubt that parts of modern British history need to be rewritten. But which parts? Slavery and empire need to be given their proper place in the history of Britain, but what is
their proper place?
These are not the only changes that are overdue. The current debate, at least on most TV and radio programmes, seems to have turned into a discussion about slavery and British guilt. But why
do we assume that this is the only area of British history that needs to be rethought?
For example, there is so much to learn from Irish history and its place in the larger history of the British Isles, not least in terms of how we cope with the traumas of the past, from the
Irish Famine to the Troubles. How do people come together and find reconciliation after years of hatred and conflict? How did the Republic of Ireland change so dramatically over the past
half-century, becoming more tolerant and liberal, less Catholic and religious, opening its doors to Europe?
As Scotland continues to debate a second Independence Referendum and the future of a post-industrial Wales is discussed, we need to rethink the notion of the United Kingdom and its component
parts and shift our gaze from Westminster to Edinburgh and Cardiff. There is one footnote about Edinburgh in AJP Taylor’s classic, English History, 1914-1945 (1965). Nothing about Cardiff,
one reference to Swansea. Scotland and Wales are both absent from the Index.
While we should remember the darker chapters of British history, we shouldn’t forget the crowning achievements that previous generations were so proud of: religious freedom, the rise of
parliamentary democracy, tolerance and political liberty. This is hardly even mentioned in the current debates about British identity and history.
Barely a decade ago, 19th century liberalism was part of the History A Level curriculum, contrasted with the rise of German and Soviet totalitarianism. The distinctions between democracies
from dictatorships was a worthy area of study. Will these issues get dropped to make way for the history of slavery — or is there a way of creating a narrative with room for both?
It is surely right to remember that modern Britain is a diverse society, and we need to learn the histories of various groups of refugees and immigrants — the descendants of Black Slaves
certainly. And what about other immigrants and refugees? Listening to Race and Our Public Space on Radio 4 on Wednesday I was surprised by the almost complete absence of references to
immigrants from China, South Asia, Jews and Asian refugees from East Africa.
If three million refugees come to Britain from Hong Kong (five times the number of Black Caribbean Britons in the 2011 census) who will teach their history? According to the 2011 census 7.5
per cent of the British population consisted of “Asian ethnic groups”, compared to only 3.3 per cent of “Black ethnic groups”. But the current debate on TV and radio about rethinking British
history to give due prominence to slavery is dominated by Black artists, politicians and historians with surprisingly little representation of Asian voices. Why is that?
Is British history something to celebrate or to criticise? Is the history of slavery central to modern British history or part of a much larger history of Britain’s relationship with the
rest of the world? In this urgent new debate, which voices matter more? The debate hardly seems to have started.
By proceeding, you agree to our Terms & Conditions and our Privacy Policy.
If an account exists for this email address, you will shortly receive an email from us. You will then need to:
Please note, this link will only be valid for 24 hours. If you do not receive our email, please check your Junk Mail folder and add [email protected] to your safe list.