What is johnsonism? Five lessons in politics according to boris | thearticle

Is there such a thing as Johnsonism? We know, or think we know, what Thatcherism and Blairism were, or are. In their heydays, these words stood for something definite that people voted for

or against. But can we discern a doctrine, a set of principles or prejudices, according to taste, that Boris Johnson represents? The answer is probably: not yet. There is still no Johnsonian

ideology worthy of the name. What is already emerging, however, is a loosely connected corpus of ideas that may one day cohere into something we could call Johnsonism. Rather than abstract

ideas, they are perhaps best characterised as catchphrases. Here are five lessons in Johnsonism. 1.) CREATIVE DESTRUCTION. This phrase comes from the Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter,

who meant by it the often destructive impact of the free market on industries and institutions. It “revolutionises the economic structure from within, incessantly destroying the old one,

incessantly creating a new one”. Dominic Cummings is in the process of applying this idea to the Government machine, but when he talks in this way, he is merely his master’s voice. Boris

Johnson sees Brexit as collective shock therapy, which will “unleash the potential” of a hitherto dormant British economy, society and culture. Of course, destruction is not usually seen as

creative by the public and the Prime Minister is not always consistent. Only this week, he opted to rescue an airline rather than allow market forces to do their work. 2.) AN ENGLISHMAN’S

HOME IS HIS CASTLE. Boris knows that he will never win over the under-40s unless he can offer them a realistic prospect of home ownership. It is true that “generation rent” has become

accustomed to the Continental norm, where owning property is the exception rather than the rule. Opinion polls suggest that anything up to half of younger people are content to rent. Yet the

desire to own one’s home, and to pass it on to one’s children, is deeply rooted in our culture and becomes more so as we age. The latest scheme is to offer young people a 30 per cent

subsidy on new-build homes to enable them to stay in their local communities. But Boris wants to go much further, with carefully targeted cuts in stamp duty, inheritance and capital gains

taxes to make it easier for renters to become homeowners, for the elderly to be cared for at home, and for families to pass down hard-earned wealth through the generations. 3.) THE VIRTUE OF

NATIONALISM. Coined by the Israeli political philosopher Yoram Hazony, the title of his book sums up the resurgence of the nation state throughout the Western world. Boris Johnson is riding

this wave more skilfully than most: he has so far avoided the uglier excrescences that have accompanied the backlash against federalism elsewhere in Europe. Britain may be an island, but it

is anything but insular. Attitudes to immigrants here are more positive than anywhere on the Continent. The notion of nationalism as a virtue rather than a vice is still a novelty to the

elites, here as much as elsewhere, but they are beginning to wise up. The nation state is the only democratic unit that is properly accountable and hence the only true source of legitimacy.

Yet the United Kingdom is not one nation, but four: holding it together will require sensitivity. Boris has made a good start by reviving the moribund Northern Ireland Assembly. We can

expect this Prime Minister to play the patriotic card, not crudely but with subtlety, not as the last refuge of a scoundrel, but as the first instinct of a statesman. 4.) VENI, VIDI, VICI.

The adage attributed to Julius Caesar (“I came, I saw, I conquered”) evokes not only to Boris the classical scholar, but Boris the man of action. Dynamism, decisiveness and determination are

a key part of his appeal. Like Caesar, he crossed the Rubicon when he resigned as Foreign Secretary over Theresa May’s deal (“Chuck Chequers”). Many thought him finished; but it was Mrs May

who came off worst. He delegates as much as possible, only to appear at the crucial moment to carry off the triumph. He is a writer as well as a politician and, also like Caesar, he has the

literary ability to fashion his own image as a conquering hero. Part of that image is a streak of ruthlessness, which was visible in last autumn’s expulsion from the Tory party of several

former Cabinet ministers, including Kenneth Clarke, Oliver Letwin and Dominic Grieve. Some were later reinstated, such as Sir Nicholas Soames, the grandson of Churchill; but those who

persisted in rebellion received no mercy. At the time, this was a risky and much-criticised act of fratricide by a Prime Minister who was still seen by colleagues as merely primus inter

pares. But it proved to be a vital clearing of the decks for the subsequent general election, which could not have been won without it. 5.) DEAD IN A DITCH. This catchphrase, unlike the

others, was notoriously used by the man himself. With typical hyperbole, Boris promised that he would rather die than delay Brexit yet again — and then was forced to do so. Jeremy Corbyn

confronted him in the Commons and reprimanded him: “He said he’d rather die in a ditch.” (Pause.) “Another. Broken. Promise.” The House dissolved in laughter — not at the Prime Minister, but

at the Leader of the Opposition. Trust Boris to turn the tables on his opponents. He is known to the public by his first name for a reason: he’s funny, he’s sunny, and he never takes

himself too seriously. Compare and contrast this lack of pomposity with his French counterpart, Emmanuel Macron — for whom the phrase attributed to Louis XIV is tailor-made: “_L’état, c’est

moi_.” The greatest strength of this Prime Minister is his uncanny ability to cloak his authority in hope and humour. Hope sustains people through hard times; when they get even harder,

humour cheers them up. In the use of both these secret weapons, Winston Churchill was the master. Boris Johnson is his faithful disciple.